Hart 2. Christopher May 4.
Magnus Ryner 6. Denemark, Kenneth P. Germain and Michael Kenny Resisting Intellectual Property Debora J. Halbert No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Honest Money: The Biblical Blueprint for Money and Banking (LvMI) - Kindle edition by Gary North. Download it once and read it on your Kindle device, PC. Find helpful customer reviews and review ratings for Honest Money: The Biblical Blueprint for Money and Banking (LvMI) at cessimejena.ga Read honest and.
ISBN hardback : alk. Free enterprise. Free trade. International economic relations. Plehwe, Dieter. Walpen, Bernhard. N His research interests are in Political Theory and European Integration. Her research interests are in the areas of Central and Eastern European transformation and European Integration.
His research interests are in the areas of Globalization and Politics. William K. He is currently conducting a crossnational study of Globalization and the Recomposition of Corporate Capital and a Vancouver-based study of social-movement activism. Colin Carson is completing his M.
His research interests are in transnational policy groups and global corporate governance. Her research interests are in the areas of Comparative Politics and Theory. His research interests are in development economics. Olaf Groh-Samberg is conducting his Ph. His research interests are in higher education and neoliberalism. His research interests are in the history of economics. Her research interests are in the transformation of socialism to capitalism and industrial relations in Russia. His research concentrates on the study of transnational varieties of capitalism, transnational civil society formation processes, and neoliberal hegemony.
His research interests include urban governance, higher education, and mobility. Her research interests are in gender relations, feminism, and European Integration. Laura Singleton is currently persuing a joint Ph.
His research interests are in the history of neoliberalism, economic history and theory. Christian E. Series preface Those familiar with the task of organizing, coordinating and editing a diverse group of authors know that such work can involve much effort and frustration. Fortunately the payoff can also be rewarding, with such collections often exploring a richer vein of conceptual and empirical material than any single author could achieve, whatever their own personal accomplishments.
https://absisitebeanc.cf Neoliberal Hegemony: A Global Critique neatly fits this equation: four years in the making, it has put its editors through a long and exhaustive process, but the result pays scholarly dividends that we hope expunges their many debts. It takes a term that is in some danger of replicating the history of that other late-twentieth-century word — globalization — and subjects it to an exacting set of scholarly critiques. There are many ways in which we can evaluate the continuing strength of neoliberalism as a political project. This volume largely but not exclusively adopts a neo-Gramscian lens to look closely at the making and evolution of neoliberalism across a range of social terrains.
What emerges from this rich volume is a much deeper appreciation of the strength of neoliberalism, and a clearer assessment of how far it has penetrated into the arteries and capillaries of deliberative life. It is precisely through such an exhaustive and critical reading of neoliberalism that our understanding of its many strengths and concomitant weaknesses must be based. This volume fits in with this mandate precisely because it subjects a key ideological and praxiological element of our world to sustained critical analysis.
And it does this by situating its analysis within and between the leading analytical frameworks currently on offer, namely those which privilege in different ways state power, the emergent transnational capitalist class, and private authority in all its manifestations.
They have discharged their debts, and we are the beneficiaries. We are deeply grateful for the institutional support and the personal encouragement from Rainer Rilling, Sabine Reiner Rosa-Luxemburg-Foundation , and from Prof. He and again Sabine Reiner and Rainer Rilling need to be thanked for their enthusiasm in helping to develop a project over the course of three years see www.
Most of the chapters collected in this volume have been presented and discussed at the world wide web of neoliberalism conference organized by the editors. Special thanks for helping to organize the conference go to Radhika Desai and Jennifer Bair. Special thanks go to Emily Richards who has done an excellent editing job on most chapters, and to Teresa Lynch and Jennifer Bair, who contributed to the editing process on several chapters.
Dorothee Bohle and once again Jennifer Bair as well as two anonymous reviewers need to be thanked for their detailed comments on the introduction that helped us very much to organize our thoughts. Several other chapters also profited from the feedback provided by the two reviewers. Likewise we are grateful to Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, permitting to reprint a shortened and modified version of the chapter by William Carroll and Colin Carson that was previously published in Global Networks.
We owe special thanks to Werner Kraemer who helped us to prepare the final manuscript. Finally, we are deeply indebted to Randall Germain who did an excellent job as series editor, and encouraged and helped us very much indeed to navigate the difficult waters of publishing this book. Neoliberalism has been under constant attacks from the left new social movements, communitarian social democracy and right cultural nationalists , from activists and academics, unwilling to continuously affirm prevailing neoliberal consent. But in spite of these challenges, a wide variety of neoliberal policies and projects, at both the national, regional and global levels, remain on the political agenda.
At the regional level, negotiations for a Free Trade Area of the Americas FTAA continue, as the primary thrust in the effort to institutionalize a free trade regime stretching from Alaska to Argentina. Efforts continue to bring a wide range of services within the WTO framework and attest to the ongoing persistence of core aspects of neoliberal hegemony at the global level.
Most of the contributions to this book argue that a range of stabilizing factors attest to the profound transformation of the social agenda that these various projects represent. In particular, the various analyses gathered here suggest that we need to take seriously the social practices and discourses of neoliberalism, and the way in which these have become deeply entrenched in civil society, if we are to understand the consolidation of neoliberal hegemony.
We contend that various social and political struggles which might be read as contestations of neoliberalism so far should rather be seen as part of its evolution. Accordingly, these challenges have contributed to the simultaneous reproduction and transformation of neoliberal hegemony, rather than to its imminent demise. In short, it is our belief that the death of neoliberalism has been greatly exaggerated. To better understand why neoliberal projects and practices do not vanish in spite of the growing challenges they face, we need to revise our understanding of two concepts central to this debate: neoliberalism and hegemony.
Neoliberalism is frequently equated with market radicalism and anti-statism, but a number of core principles developed by self-conscious neoliberals not only express their belief in the superiority of market-driven competition as the best mechanism of economic allocation, or in the privileging of property rights above, say, democratic rights as a foundational condition of liberty.
More fundamentally, the architects of post World War-II neoliberalism distanced themselves from the laissez-faire liberalism of their intellectual ancestors by maintaining that some degree of governmental oversight was a sine qua non of contemporary capitalism. Efforts to offer a comprehensive definition of neoliberalism are frustrated by the plurality of views that exists within this philosophical and political camp.
Based on a range of common principles that form no more than a smallest common denominator, a diverse group of academics and intellectuals have succeeded in establishing and developing a family of neoliberalisms, including the Austrian and Chicago Schools, Ordoliberalismus as well as Libertarianism, some of which have been accommodated in quite diverse political systems and by now inform the positions of both advocates and critics of neoliberalism to a greater or lesser extent Walpen In addition, influential contemporary paradigms that claim to be critical of neoliberalism e.
According to Antonio Gramsci , hegemony cannot be exercised exclusively by force and repression, even though these aspects of power have to be at the disposal of the ruling classes in case of need. Hegemony requires the active consent and participation of the ruled and thus finds expression in coalitions and compromises designed to integrate diverse social forces into asymmetrical historical power blocs.
Instead of a global, homogeneous neoliberal hegemony, we thus need to think of potentially quite distinct neoliberal hegemonic constellations, which may be constructed at national, transnational, world-regional and global levels. Over time, new historical power blocs may be formed through political struggle and these can alter the orientation and content of earlier hegemonic paradigms, but this process of change will be circumscribed by the achievements and institutional legacies of the previous social forces who were successful in establishing patterns of order and disorder that circumscribe tensions and social conflict leading to new dynamics.
We thus propose to study the rise, maintenance and transformation of neoliberal hegemony by way of distinguishing different neoliberal hegemonic constellations in comparative perspective with the aim of identifying both commonalities and differences across space and time. The contributions in this book aim to shed light on a wide range of actors, networks, organizations, social forces, discourses and processes which are crucial to understand neoliberal political practices in various countries and supranational polities, in institutions, organizations and associations, and in policy arenas and discourse fields.
We believe that far too little attention has been paid to the political dimensions of discourse communities imagining, nurturing, promoting and sustaining Neoliberalism — both in mainstream and heterodox contributions see literature review below for detail. The conscious build up of vast infrastructures in support of both national and transnational neoliberal knowledge politics in particular must be explored as a crucial aspect of contemporary mediation processes affecting the role of intellectuals see Fischer on a similar argument of political technocracy in the US.
Introduction 5 Consequently, one of our primary goals is to offer a more detailed comparative assessment of the different roles of intellectuals in the creation and dissemination of neoliberal ideas and practices, while also underscoring — and here we share the disagreement of neo-Gramscian scholarship with idealistic approaches that want to single out ideas as causes — the way in which these intellectual social forces are themselves socially structured, thence partake in the social relations of production and connect to other collective actors, networks, channels of communication and organizations that occupy crucial positions in various important political arenas of society beyond the narrow sphere of the state.
While a lot of common ground can be detected between the family of neoliberalisms and business elites, neoliberal and organic intellectuals cannot be simply identified because each side maintains a selective approach to the other based on partly diverting agendas and interests. By drawing a distinction between neoliberalism and hegemonic constellations we thus stress the need to analyse the world of ideas beyond traditional intellectual history, especially their modes of production and distribution, in order to better understand the materiality of ideas, i.
We argue that neoliberal discourse communities are crucial with regard to establishing the contemporary pluralism that exists today within neoliberal confines. They were indeed extraordinarily influential and instrumental in the original effort to forge neoliberal power blocs that eventually replaced or helped to reorient previous social liberal coalitions and alliances, but the structural power position of neoliberal discourse communities was strengthened subsequently when many of the erstwhile right-wing outsider positions entered a widely accepted mainstream.
Such mainstreaming eventually helped to obscure the very influence of former heretics. Furthermore, even if elements of neoliberal hegemonic constellations and historical power blocs weaken due to the electoral defeat of a neoliberal government or due to an economic or financial crisis, we argue that a range of internal and external stabilizing factors beyond political and economic power complexes can serve to defend, to maintain and to adapt neoliberal hegemony to new circumstances.
In this book, Dr. W W66x It is to be put before the German cabinet next month. In some chapters the discussion of this neoliberal actor group is thence more marginal compared to other neoliberal forces than in others. I don't blame them for this impossible task.
Challenges to a neoliberal hegemonic constellation can and almost certainly will be reinterpreted by neoliberal forces who aim to deflect opposition and do indeed not fully trust in government or business to accomplish the task. Insofar as these efforts are by and large successful, a major realignment of social forces is considered unlikely. Most of the contributions to this book argue that this is the case, at least at present. Our purpose is not, however, to assert the immutability of the current world order. Rather we argue that social forces attempting to challenge neoliberal hegemonic constellations still need to develop a better grasp of the core features of these constellations, and in particular the way in which they adapt and respond to changing circumstances and criticism.
We will stress the relevance and contribution of these approaches to our project, while also underscoring their limitations.